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Courage, good lawyer needed for loose package

Posted on Nov. 1, 2009 at 6:15 PM - 0 Comments - Post Comment - Link

Last week, when we last visited Mikhail Fridman and Viktor Vekselberg, the controlling shareholders of Tyumen Oil Co. (TNK), we found them in the shrubbery desperately trying to sell off their loot.

For more than a year, they had been offering minority-sized stakes in the oil company. But, after doing their due diligence, Chevron-Texaco and other international majors had said no.

What a difference a week makes! And that reminds me of the tale called "Loose Packaging," written by Soviet satirist Mikhail Zoshchenko in 1932.

"These days, there’s no bribery," Zoshchenko’s narrator proclaims as he arrives at the railway station to cultured pearl dispatch some parcels. "People’s morality has changed significantly for the better," he adds hopefully. Trouble is, he soon discovers, the queue for parcel dispatch is a long one, and, at the end of the wait, the weight-checker arbitrarily rejects every second or third shipment, claiming the packaging is loose and must be refixed.

According to Zoshchenko’s eyewitness, a man loaded down with six hefty boxes from a state optics factory gets angry when his shipment is rejected, so he offers a bribe to the weight-checker. The clerk is affronted. He tells the shipper he should be ashamed of himself and count himself lucky he doesn’t call the police. "People shouldn’t be allowed to think that we’ve got our fingers in the till, like in the old days," he confides to a colleague.

While they are talking, the narrator sees his own package needs fixing and asks one of the weight-checker’s colleagues to secure it. When he argues over the price, he is told the fee must be shared with the weight-checker. He pays, and the weight-checker accepts his parcel. The same thing happens to the man with the six boxes. Both are given invoices for the extra fee. It says "loose packaging."

If you look carefully at the announcement of the Fridman-Vekselberg sale of their TNK stake to British Petroleum (BP), you will find a line on the invoice that says "loose packaging." What is remarkable about the deal is not the confidence BP is presumed to be showing in Russian business conditions – the small print of the terms of sale demonstrate there is little of that. Rather, the deal looks to be the first time two Russian oligarchs have opted to hand over control of a property they acquired unlawfully and make their getaway for clean cash.

Actually, this is the second deal of its kind to freshwater pearl earrings be arranged by Vekselberg in the past month. In the first, he announced with Roddie Fleming, heir to the Fleming’s Bank fortune, that he is selling a controlling stake in his aluminum company, Siberian Ural Aluminum (SUAL) for an undisclosed but large sum that would give Fleming management control of the new company and its cash flow.

This week’s announcement suggests Fridman and Vekselberg will sell many of TNK’s oilfield assets – including those whose acquisition is the target of international litigation alleging fraud, theft and extortion – and all of TNK’s debts. Now, TNK is Russia’s most heavily leveraged oil company, and passing $2.5 billion in liabilities to BP, just before an oil price crash and the elections, is a sensible move. Even more sensible from Fridman’s and Vekselberg’s point of view is that some of the assets they are selling to BP – the Sakhalin Four and Five oilfield projects, plus a half-share of the Rospan gasfield – will require enormous and lengthy investment before they start to earn money.

The Russian proprietors like to pocket their earnings through a network of corporate fronts from here to Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, the Bahamas, the Isle of Man, Gibraltar and Panama. They show no interest in spending these earnings on the future of TNK, and the company has reached its borrowing limit. The new deal allows BP to do the investing, the borrowing and the repayment for them.

The deal is good for Russia only inasmuch as BP says it will take control of the cash flow of the oil company. With output of 1.2 million barrels per day, at current prices, that is worth about $13 billion in annual sales, all of which TNK has been passing through a chain of trading companies, brokers and other intermediaries at pricing that avoids domestic taxation and enriches shareholders offshore. Whether or not BP intends to operate the same kind of trading schemes, there is enough cash in the new company to pay more tax to the Russian treasury and cover the $3 billion cash payment BP is making to Fridman and Vekselberg. The three-year deferred payments of $1.25 billion worth of BP shares, which are also part of Fridman’s and Vekselberg’s take, are an insurance policy for BP that it can in fact get control of TNK’s cash flow, and a cheap way of paying Fridman and Vekselberg with value they would have taken from TNK sooner or later themselves – and that BP will earn from the Russian properties.

The loose packaging in this deal is as telling as Zoshchenko’s weight-checker. It’s not "mind-boggling," as Moscow investment bankers are desperately trying to pearl necklace wholesale claim. Nor will it sustain the brief jump in Russian share values. TNK’s acquisition tactics have made the company unsellable in the form of an international share flotation. The threat that, in a post-Iraq war collapse of oil prices, it would be unable to service its debt has proven great. TNK cannot obtain unsecured financing, and it is at the limit of what its current oil flow can collateralize. It also won’t spend its own cash to boost that output.

So Fridman is jumping back to banking and Vekselberg to living off Western rents and dividends. BP thinks it has tied up the package so that the Russian risk is contained.

As President Vladimir Putin advised foreign investors in Russia this week, deals like this require courage – and good lawyers.


Countries still at odds over Iraq resolution

Posted on Nov. 1, 2009 at 6:12 PM - 0 Comments - Post Comment - Link

UNITED NATIONS - France, Russia, China and several other members of the U.N. Security Council remain opposed to a resolution backed by the United States and Britain which would authorize military action against Iraq if it fails to cooperate with U.N. weapons inspectors.

Intense negotiations have been going on among the five veto-wielding nations and U.S. deputy ambassador Richard Williamson said Tuesday: "The dance continues."

France has led the opposition - instead favoring two U.N. resolutions - a first toughening U.N. inspections and a second authorizing action against Iraq if it fails to wholesale pearl jewelry comply.

French Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin reaffirmed on Monday that Paris is opposed to unilateral U.S. military action and urged the Bush administration to "remain faithful to the vision of collective security that rests on the law."

"America seems tempted by the solitude of power," he told the Institute for National Defense Studies, a think tank in Paris. "We cannot accept an intervention that is not a last resort, the final resort."

China's Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Zhang Qiyue said Tuesday that inspectors should return to Iraq before the Security Council decides on any action.

"We believe that the imperative is to readmit U.N. weapons inspectors to Iraq as soon as possible to have outside inspection and then submit a report to the U.N. Security Council. After reviewing such an objective report, then the U.N. Security Council should take some actions," she said.

Affirming China's opposition to military action, Zhang said, "A political and diplomatic way should be sought within the U.N. framework."

Chief weapons inspector Hans Blix was asked to brief the council Tuesday at Russia's request on two letters from Iraq on the return of inspectors after nearly four years, diplomats said.

Blix, who is in charge of searching for biological and chemical weapons, and Mohamed ElBaradei, director-general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, which is in charge of nuclear inspections, asked Iraq to confirm agreements reached in Vienna earlier this month on resuming inspections.

The two Iraqi letters did not explicitly confirm the agreements, but Iraq said it saw no obstacles to a resumption of the hunt for weapons of mass destruction and promised to behave "professionally" if U.N. weapons inspectors return.

Meanwhile, negotiations on a new U.N. resolution continued.

In a move to placate France, U.S. diplomats last week offered to akoya pearl jewelry remove a threat to use "all necessary means" if Saddam Hussein doesn't cooperate. France objected because the new U.S. draft resolution would still threaten "serious consequences" if Iraq remained defiant, which U.S. officials said was enough for Washington to attack if necessary.

On Monday, U.S. Ambassador John Negroponte met France's U.N. Ambassador John David Levitte. Council diplomats said France still insists on a two-stage resolution but offered more precise language in its draft to address U.S. concerns.

U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell scheduled talks with British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, the administration's closest ally, in Washington on Tuesday.

Council diplomats said Monday they did not believe the United States and Britain have enough support in the 15-member Security Council for a resolution that would give a green light for the use of force in Iraq. To win approval, a resolution must get nine "yes" votes and must not be vetoed by a permanent member.

Diplomats said they believe a U.S. resolution with any language that could authorize force would likely be opposed by France, Russia, China, Syria, Ireland, Mexico, Cameroon, Guinea and probably Mauritius - which means it would get a maximum of only six or seven "yes" votes.

Britain's U.N. Ambassador Jeremy Greenstock told the General Assembly on Monday that U.N. inspectors should be given "the strongest powers possible to ensure successful disarmament and to make it crystal clear to playground equipment Iraq that this time, it is complete disarmament or serious consequences."

But last week, U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan said "the member states want a two-stage approach" and on Tuesday, Colombia's U.N. Ambassador Alfonso Valdivieso, a council member, echoed this assessment.

The council is expected to hold a two-day open debate on Iraq starting Wednesday to hear a wide range of views.

"I think most of the countries are going to call for a very strong position on Iraq, but at the same time I would say they are going to make reservations about the authorization of the use of force," Valdivieso said.

Counting out the loot in the shrubbery

Posted on Nov. 1, 2009 at 6:09 PM - 0 Comments - Post Comment - Link

It was during the brief period of the New Economic Policy (NEP), which began in 1921, that Lenin and the Soviet authorities had the thought that, in order to improve the redistribution of wealth, it was necessary to generate some wealth to start with.

This hilarious idea produced a dazzling display of satirical writing by the Russian talents of the day. (By contrast, in our brief period, the current crop of Russian writers tell their stories with such hyperrealistic attention to detail that not even a snigger, let alone a belly laugh, is a possibility.)

In one of Mikhail Zoshchenko’s stories of 1923, called "The Thief," Vaska Tyapkin, a pickpocket who specializes in city trams, decides that, because the passengers have become so mean, he should move his business to rice pearl the more invigorating air and improved pickings of the dacha belt. So he goes to case out a cottage owned by a prosperous gynecologist.

There he manages to break in – only he misses the dining room, where he expected to find silver. In his haste he scoops up the toys in the nursery, then jumps out of the window. He is in the shrubbery, taking stock of his loot, when the alarm is raised and he is obliged to accelerate his departure. A few minutes later, he realizes he’s left his only jacket behind, as well as the one toy he wanted. Redistribution having gone into reverse, he concludes he would do better in future to try armed robbery.

Nowadays, it’s not possible to make a satire out of a 4.1 percent GDP growth rate. Thirty dollars per barrel of oil, 9 percent real income growth and just 30.6 billion rubles in wage arrears represent real wealth; these figures are no laughing matter, especially not at the start of national parliamentary and presidential election campaigns. But while we are still in the shrubbery, let’s take stock of what those who have prospered most appear to be getting away with – and what they may fear losing.

Oleg Deripaska is one of the controlling shareholders of Russian Aluminum (Rusal), which he shares with Roman Abramovich and the Sibneft group. It isn’t clear with whom he shares control of Base Element, the holding that includes Ingosstrakh Insurance, Aviacor the aircraft builder, the GAZ automobile company, several bus builders and paper and pulp interests.

Of all the oligarchs for whom the elections of parliament and president pose serious risks, Deripaska is the most vulnerable, and this has begun to show already. He has failed to secure privileged access to cheap electricity for his metal production. He lost the tussle he started with rival Siberian Ural Aluminum (Sual) over the Nadvoitsk smelter, and in the process demonstrated that Abramovich may have more clout on the Rusal board than Deripaska does.

His insurance and paper-pulp acquisitions face difficult legal challenges in the Russian courts, while in foreign courts Rusal is facing multimillion-dollar breach-of-contract awards, and the grave possibility that the federal U.S. court in New York will rule that it has jurisdiction over a billion-dollar fraud and racketeering claim against Rusal. He has made numerous attempts to akoya pearl necklace establish and expand his foreign assets. A Romanian alumina refinery has been a costly failure. He has done moderately well in the bauxite-rich Central African republic of Guinea, but he has been rejected in most countries, including China, which is a strategically vital market for his metal.

Deripaska is far from losing his jacket, but, compared to other oligarchs, he is further from securing the access to international capital that he would like. To that end, the toys he has acquired aren’t quite what he wants or needs.

Mikhail Fridman, the oligarch who controls Alfa Bank and Tyumen Oil Co., has been trying for some time now to sell a stake of about 20 percent in both the bank and the oil company to what is known in polite circles as a "strategic investor" (that’s someone whose fortune exceeds their intelligence). It didn’t help that one of the foreign victims of his acquisitions, Norex Petroleum, decided to sue on similar grounds and for similar damages as Deripaska faces in the same place.

That suit helped expose Fridman’s hidden ownership of the proceeds of his businesses. The sinking of the oil tanker Prestige, chartered by one of Fridman’s oil-trading networks, spilled more than oil on the beaches of France and Spain, and, by threatening the way in which Tyumen Oil Co. conducts its offshore business, it forced Fridman to dispose of the asset as quickly as he could.

He and Abramovich did well to acquire control from the Russian government of oil producer Slavneft, but that transaction only reinforced the appearance that he’s vulnerable to the political changes that may follow the new elections. If Fridman has been planning on a clean getaway by election time, he looks likely to be frustrated.

Fridman is not the only Russian oilman who has been hoping for a 20 percent share sale or a stock market listing in New York, only to leisure chairs be nabbed by the alarm that is being raised by the American war machine. In the short term, this has raised the value of oil assets, only to make them appear at the same time to be too volatile and risky for investors to value. The Russian oilmen have also done their best to court American, as well as Japanese and Chinese, money, with lavish promises to convert their growing reserves into expanding deliveries.

However, to make good on those promises they depend on the Kremlin’s control of the pipelines and ports to export the oil. But even the prime minister, Mikhail Kasyanov, can’t let that out of the government’s hands.

And that’s why we find the oligarchs in the metaphorical shrubbery, counting what they have and what they haven’t gotten away with. Unlike Tyapkin – the name in Russian suggests he digs like a farmer hoes his potato patch – the heroes of our time can’t contemplate trying the alternative of armed robbery. That’s how we got here from our unfunny past.


Council of Europe rebukes Russia over torture in Chechnya

Posted on Nov. 1, 2009 at 6:08 PM - 0 Comments - Post Comment - Link

BRUSSELS - Europe's top human rights watchdog Thursday accused Russian forces of using beatings, electric shocks and other torture methods against prisoners in Chechnya.

In a rare public rebuke, the Council of Europe published a statement by its anti-torture committee, reporting on its latest visits to the troubled region.

"There is continued resort to torture and other forms of ill-treatment by members of the law enforcement agencies and federal forces," the statement said.

The organization, based in Strasbourg, France, added that Russian authorities had "failed to pearl earrings tackle effectively major problems" raised by the anti-torture committee on successive visits.

It added that action to bring to justice members of the security forces accused of torture have been "slow and - in many cases - ultimately ineffective."

The anti-torture committee rarely makes public statements, but has powers to do so if a member of the Council of Europe "fails to cooperate or refuses to improve the situation in the light of the committee recommendations."

It issued a similar statement on the activities of Russia's forces in Chechnya in July, 2001.

Russia, which joined the 45-member council in 1996, is bound by its 1950 European Convention on Human rights which forbids torture.

The anti-torture committee said it had made six visits to Chechnya since the resumption of hostilities there in 1999, most recently in May.

It condemned deadly attacks by separatist rebels and expressed understanding for the difficulties of Russian authorities attempting to restore order. However, it added, the "response must never degenerate into acts of torture ... a state must avoid the trap of abandoning civilized values."

During its most recent visit, the committee said it saw evidence of torture from "a considerable number" of people detained by security forces, including severe beatings, electric shocks and asphyxiation using plastic bags or gas masks.

It said frequent allegations had referred to mistreatment of prisoners at the Khankala military base and a facility known as ORB-2, operated by the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Chechen capital Grozny.

The statement also pointed to tin cup pearl necklace hundreds of abductions and "disappearances" blamed on security forces.

To counter abuse, the committee urged the Russian authorities to make "a formal statement emanating from the highest political level" insisting on prisoners' rights and warning of "severe sanctions" for ill-treatment.

The committee said prosecutors should have more resources to investigate complaints against the security forces, including improved forensic services. It called for an independent inquiry into the accusations against staff at the ORB-2 center and called for greater civil supervision of "special operations" by the armed forces.

Cosmonaut living on space station weds his earthbound bride

Posted on Nov. 1, 2009 at 6:05 PM - 0 Comments - Post Comment - Link

HOUSTON - The bride blew the groom a kiss. He blew one back - from about 240 miles (385 kilometers) above terra firma.

Russian cosmonaut Yuri Malenchenko didn't let the fact that he's living aboard the international space station stop him from marrying his earthbound bride, Ekaterina Dmitriev, in the first wedding ever conducted from space.

The couple wed Sunday before family and friends in a private ceremony at Johnson Space Center in Houston, where Malenchenko took part via video. Texas law allows weddings in which one of the parties is not present.

Dmitriev, who wore a cream-colored wedding dress, said the two had grown closer during their time apart, making them want to pearl jewelry marry as soon as possible.

"As Yuri was further away, he was closer to me because of the communication we have," she said. "It was a celestial, soulful connection that we have."

"It was very sweet," said Joanne Woodward, the wedding planner.

A life-size cutout of the groom greeted guests at the wedding reception, at a restaurant decorated with silver stars and mannequins dressed as astronauts.

The honeymoon will have to wait until after Malenchenko, who wore a bow tie with his blue space suit, returns to Earth in late October. They plan a Russian Orthodox wedding sometime next year.

The two met at a social gathering five years ago and began dating last year.

He is a Russian air force colonel who stayed aboard space station Mir for four months in 1994. She left Russia for the United States with her parents when she was 3 and lives in Houston.

After their relationship began, Malenchenko, 41, returned to Russia to train for his upcoming space mission, but the two continued their courtship via telephone. The cosmonaut proposed in December.

Because Malenchenko was preparing for his mission and there was no time to plan a wedding, they decided to get married while he was still in space. The couple was issued a marriage license July 17.

Malenchenko, who blasted off to the station in late April with American astronaut Edward Lu, quietly arranged to have his tail coat and wedding ring flown to him aboard a cargo ship that arrived at the station in June. Lu served as his best man during Sunday's ceremony, and even performed the wedding march on a keyboard in the space station.

Officials with the Russian Aerospace Agency had tried to convince Malenchenko to delay the wedding until he returned to Earth, citing legal complexities and Soviet-era rules barring military officers from marrying foreigners.

The air force chief, Col. Gen. Vladimir Mikhailov, reportedly said a "cosmonaut mustn't behave like a movie star."

Russian officials ultimately gave their blessing but said other cosmonauts won't be able to cultured pearl do the same and such rules will be included in future preflight contracts.

In Russia on Sunday, Malenchenko's father, Ivan, told the state-run television channel Rossiya that the space wedding had made the cosmonaut's mother, Nina, cry and said "what is this needed for - a sensation for the whole world?" His parents are pensioners in a Ukrainian village.

But Malenchenko's brother laughed and said his sibling will now be nearly as famous as cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin, the first person to orbit the Earth.
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